An Open Letter to Mark Golding: A Pragmatist's Appeal for a Refined Democratic Socialism
Lessons from the 1970s, fiscal reality in 2026, and navigating the Monroe Doctrine
Dear Mr. Golding,
I write to you not as a skeptic, but as a firm believer in the transformative potential of democratic socialism. Your recent embrace of this philosophy, building on the legacy of the great Michael Manley, resonates deeply with those of us who have long felt that Jamaica's economic model has failed to place the people at its centre.
However, I write as a pragmatist who believes that for this vision to succeed in 2026, it must be refined, nuanced, and exceptionally agile in the face of global variables. Your recent address was inspiring, yet it raised critical questions that demand substantive answers if this project is to avoid the pitfalls of the past and navigate the complexities of the present. I ask these questions not to cast doubt, but to build a foundation for a credible and workable plan.
1. The Lessons of the 1970s: A Blueprint for Caution
You rightly invoked the legacy of Michael Manley. But the 1970s experiment also provides a stark blueprint of the internal and external challenges that can cripple a well-intentioned socialist project. By 1980, Jamaica had experienced significant economic contraction and high unemployment. The Land Reform program faced substantial circumvention, and state-run cooperatives saw production plummet.
The question is not whether we should learn from this history, but how a modern PNP administration will avoid the same internal and external pitfalls that undermined that era's goals. How will we ensure that new social programs don't collapse under patronage, indiscipline, or poor execution? Your vision of a "bottom-up" economy is compelling, but its success depends on the integrity and capacity of the state machinery to implement it effectively.
2. Fiscal Reality and State Capacity in 2026
The fiscal landscape today is dramatically different. Jamaica has just weathered Hurricane Melissa, a Category 5 storm that caused an estimated US$8.8 billion in damage—approximately 41% of GDP. This has created an urgent balance of payments need, and Jamaica has had to seek US$415 million in emergency financing from the IMF, with a projected fiscal deficit of 4.8% of GDP for FY2026/27.
Your proposals for expanded social programs, first-in-family university scholarships, and land titling are laudable, but they require a fiscally sound foundation. Where will the funding come from in this constrained environment?
To your point, the tax expenditure system itself requires scrutiny. "Other credits" accounted for nearly 19% of net corporate income tax in recent years, representing billions in foregone revenue. Your suggestion to reform the tax system is correct, but we must ask: How will a new administration broaden the tax base and ensure compliance without stifling the investment needed for recovery?
Furthermore, the state's capacity to deliver has been called into question. The "hollowing out" of the public sector presents a fundamental obstacle to implementing a bold new social agenda. How will the PNP rebuild the state machinery to execute its vision? Proposals like the electronic invoicing system to improve tax compliance are a step in the right direction, but they require a highly functioning bureaucracy. This must be operationalized long before an election.
3. Navigating the Geopolitical Reality: The Monroe Doctrine is Not a Ghost
Your vision of economic independence must contend with the enduring reality of the Monroe Doctrine. This is not 1970s history; it is today's headline.
In March 2026, Jamaica announced it would end its five-decade-long medical cooperation programme with Cuba. The government cited "inability to agree on terms," but this decision came amid intense pressure from the U.S., which has labelled the Cuban medical missions as "human trafficking."
Foreign Minister Johnson Smith insists there was no U.S. influence, but the geopolitical context is undeniable. This decision has significant implications for our healthcare system and our regional relationships. If a future PNP administration faces similar pressure on its policies, how will it navigate the tension between pursuing an independent, people-centred foreign policy and managing the critical relationship with our primary trading partner?
The challenge is acute. Golding's democratic socialism, by its nature, seeks to put people's interests ahead of powerful groups and nations. This is a noble goal, but it will inevitably create friction. How will the party prepare for and manage this friction without being isolated or forced into capitulation, thus repeating the challenges of the 1970s?
Conclusion: A Call for Substance
Your vision is a powerful and necessary one. But as you've noted, the times have changed. We are in a post-hurricane crisis, with a fragile fiscal position and a complex geopolitical landscape. The PNP's response cannot be merely rhetorical; it must be a detailed and nuanced strategy that addresses these core challenges.
I and many other supporters of democratic socialism seek not a "great leader" to rally behind, but a pragmatic, forward-thinking plan that can be operationalized and sold to the Jamaican people. I believe such a plan exists, and I ask that you elaborate on it so we can go forward together with confidence, not just hope.
Yours in solidarity and pragmatism,
Yannick Pessoa
Disclaimer: This article represents the personal views of the author and is intended as a constructive contribution to public discourse on Jamaica's political and economic future.
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