Questions on PNP and the New Socialism Paradigm

An Open Letter to Mark Golding: A Pragmatist's Appeal for a Refined Democratic Socialism

Lessons from the 1970s, fiscal reality in 2026, and navigating the Monroe Doctrine

Dear Mr. Golding,

I write to you not as a skeptic, but as a firm believer in the transformative potential of democratic socialism. Your recent embrace of this philosophy, building on the legacy of the great Michael Manley, resonates deeply with those of us who have long felt that Jamaica's economic model has failed to place the people at its centre.

However, I write as a pragmatist who believes that for this vision to succeed in 2026, it must be refined, nuanced, and exceptionally agile in the face of global variables. Your recent address was inspiring, yet it raised critical questions that demand substantive answers if this project is to avoid the pitfalls of the past and navigate the complexities of the present. I ask these questions not to cast doubt, but to build a foundation for a credible and workable plan.

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1. The Lessons of the 1970s: A Blueprint for Caution

You rightly invoked the legacy of Michael Manley. But the 1970s experiment also provides a stark blueprint of the internal and external challenges that can cripple a well-intentioned socialist project. By 1980, Jamaica had experienced significant economic contraction and high unemployment. The Land Reform program faced substantial circumvention, and state-run cooperatives saw production plummet.

The question is not whether we should learn from this history, but how a modern PNP administration will avoid the same internal and external pitfalls that undermined that era's goals. How will we ensure that new social programs don't collapse under patronage, indiscipline, or poor execution? Your vision of a "bottom-up" economy is compelling, but its success depends on the integrity and capacity of the state machinery to implement it effectively.

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2. Fiscal Reality and State Capacity in 2026

The fiscal landscape today is dramatically different. Jamaica has just weathered Hurricane Melissa, a Category 5 storm that caused an estimated US$8.8 billion in damage—approximately 41% of GDP. This has created an urgent balance of payments need, and Jamaica has had to seek US$415 million in emergency financing from the IMF, with a projected fiscal deficit of 4.8% of GDP for FY2026/27.

Your proposals for expanded social programs, first-in-family university scholarships, and land titling are laudable, but they require a fiscally sound foundation. Where will the funding come from in this constrained environment?

To your point, the tax expenditure system itself requires scrutiny. "Other credits" accounted for nearly 19% of net corporate income tax in recent years, representing billions in foregone revenue. Your suggestion to reform the tax system is correct, but we must ask: How will a new administration broaden the tax base and ensure compliance without stifling the investment needed for recovery?

Furthermore, the state's capacity to deliver has been called into question. The "hollowing out" of the public sector presents a fundamental obstacle to implementing a bold new social agenda. How will the PNP rebuild the state machinery to execute its vision? Proposals like the electronic invoicing system to improve tax compliance are a step in the right direction, but they require a highly functioning bureaucracy. This must be operationalized long before an election.

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3. Navigating the Geopolitical Reality: The Monroe Doctrine is Not a Ghost

Your vision of economic independence must contend with the enduring reality of the Monroe Doctrine. This is not 1970s history; it is today's headline.

In March 2026, Jamaica announced it would end its five-decade-long medical cooperation programme with Cuba. The government cited "inability to agree on terms," but this decision came amid intense pressure from the U.S., which has labelled the Cuban medical missions as "human trafficking."

Foreign Minister Johnson Smith insists there was no U.S. influence, but the geopolitical context is undeniable. This decision has significant implications for our healthcare system and our regional relationships. If a future PNP administration faces similar pressure on its policies, how will it navigate the tension between pursuing an independent, people-centred foreign policy and managing the critical relationship with our primary trading partner?

The challenge is acute. Golding's democratic socialism, by its nature, seeks to put people's interests ahead of powerful groups and nations. This is a noble goal, but it will inevitably create friction. How will the party prepare for and manage this friction without being isolated or forced into capitulation, thus repeating the challenges of the 1970s?

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Conclusion: A Call for Substance

Your vision is a powerful and necessary one. But as you've noted, the times have changed. We are in a post-hurricane crisis, with a fragile fiscal position and a complex geopolitical landscape. The PNP's response cannot be merely rhetorical; it must be a detailed and nuanced strategy that addresses these core challenges.

I and many other supporters of democratic socialism seek not a "great leader" to rally behind, but a pragmatic, forward-thinking plan that can be operationalized and sold to the Jamaican people. I believe such a plan exists, and I ask that you elaborate on it so we can go forward together with confidence, not just hope.

Yours in solidarity and pragmatism,

Yannick Pessoa

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Disclaimer: This article represents the personal views of the author and is intended as a constructive contribution to public discourse on Jamaica's political and economic future.

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Party Reformation: My Struggles with PNP

“We'd all like t'vote for th' best man, but he's never a candidate”
Kin Hubbard

For some time I have been uncomfortable with the inner workings of the People’s National Party. Sometimes I can’t tell the difference between the PNP and the JLP. This to me is an issue of ideology and personality. Ideologically the PNP used to a socialist party and governed by a social democratic ethos, that is no more. Socialism used to be unfashionable so the party abandoned it somewhere in the 90’s while subscribing to IMF edicts. However Jeremy Corbyn, Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Occasio Cortez and Kshema Sawant prove that socialism is alive and well even in the heart of world superpowers. Yet the PNP drifts ideologically and philosophically here in this 21st century. Then when we see candidate choice and selection for both local and central government elections are riddled with egomaniacs on both sides who treat the electorate as secondary or non-essential till election day while always courting the delegates of both parties who are stuck as die hearts to each party or victims of some kind of political Stockholm’s syndrome. This cannot continue.

Well the monomania media election blitz will soon be in full swing, and everybody will be vying for votes. Tribal politics has taken to social media and the factions there are always in electoral fever. In all this Mobay, the government’s bastard child always neglected for the media pet Kingston, it seems silly that we, major contributors to the nation’s economy, via tourism, foreign currency and remittance dollars (legal and via lotto scam), have so little say. I say we hold candidates to ransom; each community ought to kidnap the MP, until the community’s demands are met. Until there is a community centre in every community, till the roads are addressed, until drainage is solved and so on.



Dr Peter Phillips’ viability as party leader is in question, it is one of the central issues to the undecided voter. The party is confronting new questions about who it is and what it stands for. The more important question however,  is how this plays out in our next election. PNP hopefuls will need to test the “articulate minority’s” and the grassroot’s wish list on the stump and might feel pressure to outbid each other on how far left they can go. Those apparently pursuing an “adult in the room” or  “trying to stay tame and sound normal strategy,” such as the PNP has been fumbling along with, will not only face opposition from the modern PNP base and the unattached voters, but will also find the free media oxygen sucked from the room by the more colorful radical opponents.

The ideologically driven members of the party make for good television but bad politics where the conservative party members and delegates are concerned. But the ideas that are talked about by civil society organizations, popular movements and political radicals in Jamaica are neglected by the PNP extablishment. In a May 2016 article entitled “Portia Betrayed” O. Dave Allen contends that the PNP and Portia was betrayed by the country, I contend that it is the PNP that betrayed the voters and even he seems to admit that when he wrote in the article that:

“The opposition was broke, starved of donor funding from the private sector, the leadership of Andrew Holness was in question; and the JLP fractious. For the first time in the history of Peoples National Party, the party enjoyed the full and explicit support for its policies by the formal private sector, the international donor community and local and international financial intermediaries.Yet not much could be shown by way of social programmes in keeping with the historic characteristics, policies and programmes of previous PNP administrations.”

Grassroots leftist insurgency that has sprung up across the country, including in spots far from PNP strongholds. Today, ultimately, the most profound progressive leadership for the PNP is not being embraced at all. It’s in communities and movements across the country—nurturing diverse progressive political strengths in many aspects of social change, including at election time.

No matter how intense the top-down pressure gets from Party hierarchy, we should insist from the ground up that members of Parliament and Councillors stand their ground for progressive principles that the man in the street is seeking. If party members aren’t willing to fight for those principles, then the grassroots will mobilize: to create an outcry, to lobby and to consider launching challenges as is evidenced by Peter Buntings hat being thrown in PNP’s political ring. I think it is a good thing and no elected officials should be immune from scrutiny and accountability.